Sabtu, 13 Desember 2008

MV Agusta F4 Ago (2004)

Technical Specifications
MV Agusta F4 Ago
Engine
Engine type
Bore x Stroke
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Compression ratio
Max Power
Max Torque
Fuel system
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Final drive
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Gear ratios

Liquid cooled, 4-cylinder, 4-stroke, DOHC with radial valve
76.0 x 55.0 mm
998 cc
4 valves per cylinder
13.0:1
122 hp (166 hp) @ 11750 rpm
109 Nm @ 10200 rpm
Multipoint electronic injection
6-speed constant mesh
Chain
Wet, multi-disc
Induction discharge electronic ignition
Electric starter
Wet sump




Dimensions
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Castor
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Brake (rear)

CrMo steel tubular trellis (TIG welded)
Thermoplastic and carbon fibre



1408 mm
810 mm
130 mm
192 kg
21 litres

upside-down telescopic hydraulic fork with rebound
compression damping and spring preload adjustment
50 mm diameter with titanium nitride coating on the legs

progressive, with single sided swingarm, single Sachs
'Racing' shock absorber with double adjustment rebound-
compression damping and spring preload adjustment
120/65-ZR17
190/50-ZR17
Marchesini, forged aluminium, 3.50 x 17
Marchesini, forged aluminium, 5.75 x 17
Dual aluminium floating disc 310 mm with 6-piston solid
block 'Nissin Racing' calipers
Single steel disc 210 mm with 4-piston calipers

Picture: http://archive.kaskus.us/thread/877042/140

Kelenteng Di Cang Yuan (Provinsi DKI Jakarta)

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Pengantar
Kelenteng Di Cang Yuan terletak di Jalan Lautze Nomor 64, Kelurahan Kartini, Kecamatan Sawah Besar, Kotamadya Jakarta Pusat, Provinsi DKI Jakarta. Kelenteng yang dikenal juga dengan nama Vihara Tri Ratna ini dibangun pada tahun 1789 dan dibaktikan kepada Dewa Raja Neraka. Kelentang Di Cang Yuan tidak dikhususkan bagi para penganut Buddha saja, sebab selain terdapat beberapa patung Buddha dan patung dewa 18 Arhat yang merupakan pengikut setia Sang Buddha, juga patung dewa-dewa yang biasa dipuja oleh masyarakat Tionghoa dan sebuah ruangan khusus untuk mengirim doa pada arwah bagi para penganut Konghuchu.

Data Bangunan
Kelenteng Di Cang Yuan dapat dibagi menjadi beberapa bagian, yaitu: halaman, bangunan utama, dan bangunan tambahan. Berikut ini adalah uraian tentang bagian-bagian tersebut. Halaman Kelenteng Di Cang Yuan memiliki dua pintu gerbang. Pintu gerbang pertama berbentuk gapura dengan hiasan tiga buah stupa (di bagian atas) dan patung naga. Daun pintunya berhias lingkaran dan bunga. Pintu gerbang pertama ini hanya dibuka pada waktu tertentu saja. Sedangkan, pintu gerbang kedua terletak di sebelah kiri dan berbentuk biasa tanpa hiasan. Pintu kedua ini selalu terbuka terutama pada siang hari.

Di sebelah kiri halaman terdapat sebuah tiang batu setinggi sekitar 2,40 meter, berwarna putih, berbentuk segi enam dan berhias aksara Cina pada salah satu sisinya. Pada puncak tiang tersebut terdapat hiasan berbentuk kuncup bunga. Di halaman kelenteng yang sudah diberi conblock ini juga terdapat sebuah pohon bodhi.

Setelah melewati halaman terdapat sebuah teras yang telah diberi atap dan berlantai keramik berwarna merah bata. Di sudut kiri teras terdapat patung singa bergaya Eropa dengan posisi duduk dengan kaki depan memegang suatu benda berbentuk bulat panjang. Sedangkan, di kiri dan kanan teras terdapat sebuah patung singa lagi yang berdiri di atas lapik berbentuk segi empat, berhias relief bunga teratai, dan berukuran 60x90x50 sentimeter. Patung singa yang ada di sebelah kanan, pada bagian kaki kirinya terdapat patung singa berukuran kecil. Sedangkan, patung singa yang ada di sebelah kiri, pada kaki kanan bagian depan menginjak sebuah bola.

Di depan pintu masuk bangunan terdapat altar Thian dengan tempat dupa yang terbuat dari kuningan, pegangan berbentuk kepala singa dan gelang pada mulutnya. Meja altar terbuat dari kayu berukir hiasan tumbuh-tumbuhan dan naga dalam posisi saling berhadapan dengan bola api di antaranya. Di sebelah kanannya terdapat tempat pembakaran kertas yang merupakan satu ruangan dengan relief stupa pada ambang lubang pembakaran. Di depan tempat pembakaran terdapat dua buah patung singa (kiri dan kanan).

Sedangkan, pintu masuk ruang utama terbuat dari kayu yang berhias tumbuh-tumbuhan (di bagian atas) dan berjeruji. Lantai ruang utama terbuat dari batu granit warna merah dan dindingnya diberi keramik deangan warna krem. Ruang utama ini disangga oleh dua buah tiang berbentuk segi empat, berukuran 30x30 sentimeter, dan empat buah tiang bulat dengan bagian bawahnya berbentuk bunga teratai. Pada tiang bulat sebelah kiri depan terdapat genderang yang tergantung di sisi kiri. Sedangkan, pada sebelah kanan depannya tergantung lonceng dengan hiasan paku-paku (pada bagian atas). Gagang tempat gantungan lonceng berbentuk seekor binatang.

Pada ruang utama, tepat di depan pintu masuk, terdapat altar Dewi Kwan Im. Di meja altar terdapat patung Dewi Kwan Im dalam posisi duduk, tangan kiri membawa botol, tangan kanan dengan jari-jari menghadap ke atas, jari tengah dan jempol membentuk sebuah lingkaran. Di meja altar ini juga terdapat tempat pembakaran dupa, ketokan kayu dan mangkuk biksu yang hanya dibunyikan pada waktu sembahyang. Di belakang patung Kwan Im terdapat tiga patung Buddha duduk di atas padmasana. Di sebelah kanan altar terdapat genderang dan lonceng kecil.

Altar utama di ruang utama ini adalah altar dewa Kshitigarba Bodhisatva, yaitu dewa pelindung arwah yang patungnya digambarkan dalam posisi duduk bersila di atas binatang qilin. Tangan kirinya bola kristal, sedangkan tangan kanannya memegang tongkat biksu. Kshitigarba Bodhisatva yang biasa disebut juga Di Zang Wang Pu Sa (Tee Cong Ong Po Sat) merupakan dewa Budhisme yang paling banyak dipuja oleh masyarakat, disamping Dewi Kwan Im. Di mata orang Tionghoa, Di Zang Wang Pu Sa adalah Dewa Pelindung bagi arwah-arwah yang sedang menderita siksaan di neraka agar mereka dapat lekas dibebaskan dan menitis kembali. Ia menjadi pelindung dan pembimbing para arwah agar mereka insaf dan tidak mengulangi perbuatannya yang terdahulu.

Di sebelah kiri patung Kshitigarba Bodhisatva terdapat patung Dewa Onie Tho Fut dalam posisi berdiri dengan hiasan swastika di dada, tangan kanannya ke bawah, sedangkan tangan kirinya membawa bunga teratai di depan dada. Altar utama diapit oleh rak tempat lilin. Di sebelah kanan rak lilin terdapat altar Dewa Fu Fat Pho Sat atau tentara langit yang bertugas sebagai dewa penjaga. Patung Dewa Fu Fat Pho Sat digambarkan dalam posisi duduk di atas bangku, tangan kirinya memegang ular dan tangan kanannya memegang sebuah tongkat berujung bola berduri. Pada dinding kiri dan kanan ruang utama terdapat lemari kaca yang berisi patung dewa-dewa dari 18 Arhat.

Ruang sayap kanan bangunan Kelenteng Di Cang Yuan berlantai granit dengan warna merah. Pada dindingnya terdapat rak tempat papan-papan kecil bertulis nama-nama orang yang sudah meninggal. Ruang tersebut merupakan tempat sembahyang untuk mengirim doa pada arwah orang yang telah meninggal. Selain itu, pada ruang sayap kanan juga terdapat altar Dewa Chai Sen Ye (patungnya digambarkan dalam posisi berdiri sambil memegang sebuah tulisan), altar Dewa Sam Kwan Thay Tie (dalam posisi duduk), dan altar Dewa Thay Swei Seng Kun (dalam posisi duduk). Di bagian bawah altar-altar tersebut terdapat altar Dewa Phai Hu Ciang Cwin dengan patung berbentuk macan putih. Sedangkan, di ruang sayap kiri terdapat altar pemujaan Dewi Kwan Im Pho Sat, yang patungnya digambarkan dalam posisi duduk dengan tangan dalam sikap semedi. Di halaman belakang kelenteng terdapat sebuah prasasti beraksara Cina tahun 1761. Prasasti tersebut dibuat untuk memperingati dibukanya sebuah pekuburan baru yang dahulu pernah ada di daerah tersebut. (pepeng)

Sumber:
Supardi, Nunus, dkk,. 2000. Kelenteng Kuno di DKI Jakarta dan Jawa Barat. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan Nasional.

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Islam and the Malay Shadow Play: Aspects of the Historical Mythology of the Wayang Siam

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By Barbara S. Wright
Yale University, New Haven

Introduction:
Folk Islam as practiced by the majority of village Malays is a syncretic religion, bearing traces of the Hindu and Animistic influences present in the Malay Peninsula before the arrival of Islam in the fifteenth century. While Modernist Islam, particularly as practiced in Malaysia's urban areas in the current revivalist climate, disapproves of most of the traditional Malay arts, Malay Folk Islam is more tolerant. Islam and the Wayang Siam shadow play are linked in popular belief in Kelantan; the nature of this link, as well as Kelantanese ambivalence towards the arts and religion, is the focus of this article*.

The Setting: Kelantan
The state of Kelantan on the northeastern coast of peninsular (or West) Malaysia looms large in the Malaysian imagination. It is famous for the vitality of traditional Malay arts, which remain viable in few places other than Kelantan, and for the Islamic piety of its citizenry. It is geographically remote, and possessed of a dialect nearly unintelligible to speakers of Standard Malay. It is one of the poorest and least developed states; Kelantan's economy is agricultural, based upon rubber and rice, and much of its traditional economy and concommitant village life-style is still intact.

Kelantan's population is nearly 93% Malay. The ethnically homogeneous character of the state, particularly in comparison to the polyglot nature of Malaysia's national population, has made possible the varied and active complex of Malay arts native to Kelantan. It has also fostered a strong self-identity among the Kelantanese, set apart by their etiquette (budi bahasa), dialect (loghat Kelantan), and perhaps a certain cultural arrogance concerning their artistic heritage.

Kelantan enjoys a reputation as a particularly conservative Islamic state. To be a Malay is to be a Muslim, both according to Malay custom, and the constitution of the Federation of Malaysia. Kelantan has been, and continues to be, an Islamic center. It is renowned for its pondok (religious schools), and religious teachers. The Kelantanese peasantry actively participates in Islam on the village level, obeying the precepts of Islam, for the most part. Certainly nearly all Kelantanese are ‘believers', even those who are lax in the observance of some of their religious duties.

As Islam is an integral component of Kelantanese Malay identity, no less so is Kelantan's artistic tradition. The Malay arts and crafts of Kelantan are a vital and thriving complex in which great numbers of Kelantanese participate. Kelantan has long been famous for its silk and batik (wax-print) fabrics, as well as its wood-carving and silver-work. At the turn of the century, Kota Bharu, the capital of Kelantan, was a well-known gaming center, featuring bull-fights, ram-fights, cock-fights, and fish fights, in addition to the more placid contests of kite-flying and top-spinning. Animal fights have since been declared illegal, but tops and kites are still popular. Kelantan remains one of the few places in Malaysia where Malay performing arts draw large and enthisiastic crowds.

The Vehicle: Wayang Siam
Among the performing arts in Kelantan, the Wayang Siam (Siamese drama: so-called because of its alleged Siamese origins) shadow puppet play is the most popular.3 It is performed in Kelantanese dialect. The technique of shadow puppetry is found in many parts of Southeast Asia; notably Java and Thailand, both of whose traditions have influenced the Kelantan shadow play. The Kelantanese dalang (puppeteer) is the sole puppeteer, though he is accompanied by eight or so musicians. Both he and they perform in a raised hut, called a panggung, with a white screen (kelir), stretched across the front. The dalang sits behind the screen, manipulating the flat, carved, hide puppets in front of the lamp, which allows the audience to see the shadows cast on the screen by the puppets.

Wayang Siam is the folk form of the shadow play in Kelantan. The court form, Wayang Jawa (Javanese Wayang) is essentially the Kelantanese version of the Javanese Wayang Purwa. It takes its aesthetics and repetoire from the Javanese, though it, too, is performed in Kelantanese dialect. Wayang Jawa was patronized by the Icelantanese court, and when this patronage ceased, Wayang Jawa fell into a decline. It is now rarely performed. In contrast, U'ayang Siam was and is a village art, and not dependent upon the courts. Within the past fifteen years, performances of Wayang Siam have begun to be sponsored by village entrepreneurs as business ventures (see Sweeney 1972:26); tickets are sold to shadow play audiences. Wayang Siam's potential for profit has encouraged the sponsorship of even more performances, and during its season (roughly from February through August) there is considerable Wayang Siam activity in Kelantan on any given night.

The repetoire of the Wayang Siam is based upon the Malay folk rendition of the Ramayana-the Cerita Mahraja Wana (Mahraja Wana's Story-Mahraja Wana is the Malay equivalent to Ravana. The literary version is the Hikayat Seri Rama: Seri Rama's Tale-Seri Rama is the Malay Rama). J Stories most often performed are not 'trunk' stories- from the Cerita Mahraja Wana itself-but 'branch' storiesspinoffs from the main tale featuring the star characters in different setting. The stories are chosen, and branch stories often composed, or at least doctored, by the dalang himself.

The dalang manipulates the puppets, imitates the voices of the characters and guides the orchestra. He composes the dialogue spontaneously as he performs, fleshing out the plot as he does so. Thus the dalang can control the tone and character of the story by emphasizing either the comic or tragic aspects of the plot, by drawing out certain episodes, and minimizing or eliminating others.

The dalang is also responsible for the supernatural aspects of the Wayang Siam performance. An invaluable part of a dalang's training is the training he receives in ilmu dalam (inner knowledge, magic), and it is also the most difficult to find. Magical knowledge is a closely guarded secret; most teachers pass it down to pupils of whose loyalty they feel sure, and only after all the technical aspects of Wayang Siam have already been taught. All performances are prefaced by the reading of spells to protect the dalang and musicians from malign influences, to attract an audience, to keep it calm, to 'praise' the puppets, and to keep evil spirits away from the panggung. Wayang Siam can also be performed for magical reasons, and as a kind of exorcism. The dalang's role places him squarely within the magico-religious world of Kelantan. Many dalang in fact earn outside income through their magic as bomok (curers, magicians) selling charms, particularly love and hate charms, or by their involvement in Main Puteri, a theatrical spirit exorcism ceremony, or both. The most skillful and most popular dalang are believed to be the most magically knowledgeable, and as a dalang's reputation as a performer grows, so usually grows his reputation as a magician.

Religious Disapproval of the Wayang Siam
The magical aspects of the Wayang Siam, as well as the magical activities of dalang themselves, are often cited by pious Muslims as reasons for their disapproval of the art. The spells of the Wayang Siam -as is most if not all Malay magic-are syncretic in nature, combining Hindu and Animist sources with Islamic formulae (see Skeat 1967, Winstedt 1951). Rituals calling upon Dewa (Hindu demigods) and earth spirits, appealing to Siva or Visnu and their various avatars while using Hindu words of power, are an anathema to strict Muslims.

The pronounced Hindu influence in the repertoire and cast of the shadow play also brings it under suspicion. A particular focus for this is the character of Pak Dogol, the god/clown who is servant to Seri Rama, the shadow play's hero. Pak Dogol is really Sang Yang Tunggal (The One Great One); the highest Dewa of heaven. Sang Yang Tunggal descended to earth and, to remain unrecognized, adopted the ugly shape and humble occupation of Pak Dogol. From his own body dirt, he created a companion for himself, called Wak Long. Pak Dogol has kept his godlike powers, and, in spite of his lowly position, is the most powerful figure in the Wayang Siam. Although most dalang nowadays would not confuse the identities of Allah (the One God) and Pak Dogol (The One Great One), this would not have been the case in the last generation (Sweeney: personal communication). The sin of Shirik, or giving a partner to the One God, still falls upon the Wayang Siam; figures, though stylized, are certainly human.

Further cause for religious displeasure with Wayang Siam is the presumed immorality of its performers. This objection is not specific to Wayang Siam, and includes all actors, actresses, singers, dancers, musicians, and puppeteers in Kelantan. Dalang are rumored to be irresistible to some women, and to take advantage of it. The Religious Council (Majlis Ugama) of Kelantan has also worried about the morality of the audience, and in 1922 issued an ordinance to separate the sexes at all public entertainments (Sweeney 1972:14). This was never obeyed. The Imam of Kota Bharu expressed his displeasure with Wayang Siam in the same terms. He objected to men and women mingling both in the audience and on the screen. If male and female puppets on screen, and male and female people in the audience were separated, then he thought there would be no objection to Wayang Siam from the religious quarter. Nevertheless, both religious officials and the pious laity consider Wayang Siam, along with other traditional entertaininents, berdosa (sinful), and usually avoid performances. Curiously enough, although there are some doubts the suitability of television for a Muslim society, there is no consensus of concerned opinion regarding television, as one finds regarding Wayang Siam. Religious Muslims who do not attend Wayang Siam performances often have televisions in their homes.

Historical Mythology of the Wayang Siam
In spite of orthodox Islam's opposition to the Wayang Siam, Kelantanese folk belief links the two together. Syncretic Malay village Islam, itself an amalgam of pre-Islamic beliefs and practices and Sufism (a mystical sect of Islam), has been incorporated into the cosmology of the Wayang Siam. The basic repetoire of the Wayang Siam itself contains Islamic elements (see Winstedt 1969: 26-27). The Prophet Adam (Nabi Adam) is present in the Cerita Mahraja Wana (Sweeney 1972: 93) as well as the Hikayat Seri Rama (Zieseniss 1963: 9, Shellabear 1964: 1-3). Islam and its heroes have been included in the historical mythology of the shadow play and provide its historical framework.

The origins of the Wayang Siam are unclear (for some speculation, see Sheppard 1965). Some evidence points to Java as its source: many of the technical names for the panggung and its fixtures are Javanese, but the evidence is not conclusive. Dalang's lore has it that Wayang Siam came to Kelantan from the west, the Kingdom of Patani, now in Southern Thailand. Its Patani origins account for its name, Wayang Siam, which means Siamese Wayang. According to this version, the first dalang was a Thai woman named Mak Erit (or Mak Erok), who came to Kelantan with puppets made from mango leaves. Similar versions tell of a Thai couple, Mak Erok and Pak Erok, or a Chinese woman, bringing Wuyang Siam to Kelantan.

Spiritually the Wayang Siam is believed to have come from heaven (kayangan). Most dalang agree that the originator of the shadow play was Haji Mula (the First Haji-Haji is one who has made the pilprimage to Mecca) who became Pak Dogol, the god/clown of the Wayang Siam. The origin tales of the Wayang Siam are essentially histories of Pak Dogol/Haji Mula's descent to this world (alum dunia), bearing the shadow play. These tales explicitly link the (spiritual) origins of the shadown play with Islam, and identify Islamic personage as those who bestowed the art upon mankind.

The Origin Tales
The dalang Deraman explains, "In the beginning, Haji Mula was the Angel Azizin. He then became Grandfather (Nenek) Haji Mula. He then became Dewa Sang Yang Tunggal. Only after that did his name become Pak Dogol, when he came down to earth. He was bored with heaven (Kekayangan). He wanted to become someone's servant, he didn't want to be an important person. Both Allah and the Prophet Mohammad were the original teachers (guru yang asal). Pak Dogol is the first dalang: Mak Erit traces her origin to Pak Dogol."

The dalang Yusoff's version is more specific. It tells, "The Wayang Siam came from Haji Mula, who gave the shadow play to the Muslims. It is he who watches over dalang while they perform. He was the first dalang, who gave the shadow play to all people.

Haji Mula was spiritually powerful; he was a Dewa. Haji Mula was a Jew who lived in Mecca before Islamic times. He was a Haji, and when the Prophet Mohammad came to Mecca, Haji Mula gave the Wayang kulit to him. He gave him the truth. The Prophet Mohammad gave the shadow play to Sang Yang Tunggal. Sang Yang Tunggal gave it to Betara Guru. Betara Guru gave it to Dewa Nerada, who gave it to dalang Wak Long. All the Malay arts are from this source."

A still more detailed version is told by the dalang Abdullah Baju Merah. " Haji Mula prayed all the time. He lived in Mecca as King of the Jews, practicing the religion of ignorance before Islam. He ruled the world for forty years in each place: on earth, in heaven (kayangan), in the sea, and underground. After forty years, Allah created Adam, and he commanded Haji Mula to bow. He ordered Haji Mula to humble himself before Adam. Haji Mula asked, 'Why should I? I came first.'

"Allah was furious that Haji Mula didn't want to humble himself. He said 'If you don't wish to pay your respects to Adam, I don't wish for you to live on My earth.' He didn't allow Haji Mula under His sky. Haji Mula's power deserted him. He wanted to cry 'Lailah illa llah' (There is no God but Allah) but because Allah was angry with him, he could only cry 'Lai, lai.' He fell into the sea Baharullah (the sea of God). He tried to cry Ampun, (forgive), but he could not, he said only "Abu, abu.' He lay on a rock in the sea for forty years, unable even to wash the dirt from his body, as the land and sea belonged to Allah, and they were forbidden to him, From his body dirt, he created a compantion for himself, someone with whom he could talk.

"Haji Mula's story disappears, and the story of four people comes to light. The four friends meet with Allah, who gives them something from the Nile River, where Adam's form dwelt. Allah put this thing into one of the four's fist, warning, 'Don't you open it.' The man went to meet his friends with his hands closed. One asked him, ' What's inside? 'He answered,' I don't know.' Another suggested, ' Try and open it.' The fourth said, " It's a long time gone.' He opened his fist, and the thing was gone. It was Adam's soul (roh) and it became the Angel Azizin. Adam as yet had no soul.

"The four returned to Allah, who was angry. They begged forgiveness. He gave this thing to them again, and put this thing in the man's right hand. This time, there was no talking. They just went. One stood behind Adam, one on his right, one on his left, and one in front of him. One put the soul in Adam's mouth, and Adam 'became himself.' When he became aware, he praised the name of Allah, saying, 'Asyadu lailah illa' llnh ' (I testify that there is no God but .4llah). When he became aware, the four friends became Adam's followers' and because they were five together, Muslims pray five times a day. They all entered paradise. Their story ends.

"Haji Mula is in the sea Baharullah. He went to meet Allah, to ask for knowledge (ilmu), but Allah ordered, ' Pay your respects first.' Allah did not allow him to ask for anything on earth. He told him, ' If someone is thinking of Me, you must leave them alone; but if they forget Me, you must hit them and remind them.' Haji Mula stayed for seven days, and his appearance changed. Before, he was beautiful, more beautiful than Adam. Now he became ugly. He disappeared, to emerge on earth: in Kelantan as Pak Dogol, in Java as Semar, in Thailand as Epong."

Kelantanese dalang tend to identify Pak Dogol with Semar, the god/clown of the Javanese Wayang Purwa, servant to the five Pandawas. Wayang Siam dalang consider Pak Dogol the Kelantanese incarnation of Semar, while Wayang Jawa dalang (the court shadow play, after the Javanese fashion, where Semar is the primary clown) deny this, claiming that Semar is more powerful and the Javanese tradition more legitimate. They accuse Wayang Siam dalang of equating Pak Dogol with Semar in order to have Semar's power and legitimacy applied to the Wayang Siam. However, the following explanation of the origin of Semar by the Wayang Jawa dalang Hussein, is nearly the same as that told about Pak Dogol.

"Semar was a powerful man, living in heaven. He found that he enjoyed nothing, and decided to descend to earth, where he would find work and friends as a servant of King. He wanted to meet people. He changed his appearance; where once he was beautiful, he became ugly, but this was a covering (sarungan). When he was beautiful no one came near, his beauty was too bright. No one came close, no one could gaze upon him. He became a servant to the Pandawas.

"He was a man of great wisdom. He didn't even have to see a thing to know it. Whatever Allah ordered, he did. Finally, Allah created man-he made the body of Adam, seen by Jibrael and Izrael; he made it from earth. That is why when we die, we all become earth. Because we were originally made from earth. Allah ordered all the angels to pay respects (sembah) to the Prophet Adam. All went but Semar, who was unwilling. He was an angel, too. He said to Jibrael, ' Why should I bow? Jibrael answered, ' Because Allah ordered it.'

"Allah was furious at Semar. Semar spit. Allah told Semar He would not allow Semar to live in His earth or sky. Semar asked,' Where can I go? Everything is Yours. I want to leave, but I can't.' He asked if he could build the heaven Suralalaya (Negoro Kekayangan Suralalalya). He fashioned it himself, to stand between earth and sky; it stayed suspended, without supports. At the time of the Prophet Mohammad, it was smashed. 'l'here was great confusion among the Dewa. All the Dewa studied with Semar. His children were Betara Guru, Dewa Indera, Dewa Nerada, all of them. After the Prophet Mohammad, Dewa no longer had a place to live. I don't know where they live now-in all sacred [keramat] places. After the uproar, they came down to earth.

"This Semar, then was Haji Mula. Pak Dogol is from the Kedi Bermas. He's a big man there. Semar is someone else. Semar is the Dewa Sang Yang Tunggal. Pak Dogol is someone else entirely. Wayang Siam dalang say these two are the same, but that isn't true."

Islam and the Wayang Siam in Kelantan
Wayang Siam is commonly believed to have been used as a propaganda device to spread Islam throughout Malaysia. However, it is just as commonly believed to have been used by the Hindus to spread their religion and philosophy in Malaysia. Though organized Islam remains hostile towards the Wayang Siam, it has become an important part of Wayang Siam legend. Islam has been assimilated into the historical mythology of the shadow play, as Pak Dogol becomes an Islamic angel in an earlier incarnation, and the Prophet Mohammad gives shadow play to the world.

The assimilation of Islam into the Wayang Siam world view does not preclude the recognition of basic antagonism between the two. The Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) is one of the five pillars of Islam, and the duty of every Muslim who can afford it. A dalang, or any performer of the traditional arts, is believed to forget everything about his art on the Hajj. His mind, it is said, will be wiped clean of everything relating to Wayang Siam (or any traditional art). Haji are reputed to be magically knowledgeable and powerful, and some dalang seek them out to learn ilmu dalam (magic power) from them.

An intense Islamic religious experience will also lead the dalang away from his art. The dalang Abdullah Baju Merah's first teacher had a dream in which he met the Prophet Mohammad in Mecca (I was told that to dream of meeting the Prophet Mohammad was a sign that the dreamer would enter heaven). Upon waking from the dream, he vowed never to perform Wayang Siam again, although he did continue to teach it.

Most dalang consider themselves good Muslims, and do not accept the essential sinfulness of the Wayang Siam as expounded by their more fervent co-religionists. It is only among the very strictly religious, or those whose Islamic education was of the fundamentalistlurban cast, that this concept arises.

One dalang in particular is concerned with the propriety of Wayang Siam. He is a bit more religious than other dalang-and other villagers-and, though still a young man, voices considerable anxiety about punishment to come after his death for being a dalang. He plans to retire from Wayang Siam after he amasses the money necessary to make a pilgrimage to Mecca (Other Kelantanese claimed that money earned in ways not sanctioned by Islam-winning the lottery, or performing Wayang Siam, for instance-could not be used to make the Haj). On the pilgrimage, he will forget all about Wayang Siam, and he plans to ask forgiveness (minta taubat) from Allah, for being a dalang. He will then return from Mecca and be pious.

To my knowledge, no other dalang or musicians planned to make, nor had any made the pilgrimage. Indeed, another dalang, who rarely performs because his other occupation as a cloth merchant keeps him too busy, says that he plans to perform more actively when he becomes older, since as an older (and presumably retired) man, he will have more time for it. He is little concerned with the possibility of meeting his maker as an unrepentant dalang.

Conclusion
This ambivalence concerning Kelantanese arts is found primarily among the educated, and townsfolk. While the arts of Kelantan, particularly the Wayang Siam, by dint of its popularity, in some sense symbolize Kelantan and the uniqueness of the Kelantanese, Islam is no less crucial to Kelantanese self-identity. Adoption of a more Middle-Eastern-type Modernist Islam, or the conviction that Islam and the Wayang Siam of traditional Kelantan are mutually exclusive activities has caused confusion among Kelantanese who would like to cling to both as part of their heritage. Religious Kelantanese Muslims who were also ardent admirers of their state's reputation as the heartland of Malay culture, remarked that I was wise to choose Kelantan as my field-site, since it was the ideal spot in which to study all aspects of Malay culture. Chief among these was the Wayang Siam, and one man-a Haji who refused to attend performances of Wayang Siam since he believed them sinful-told me that one could gauge the vitality of Kelantanese culture, and its nature as the "true" Malay culture, by the frequency and popularity of Wayang Siam performances.

Most Kelantanese villagers do not find themselves in the same philosophical bind as their more self-consciously Muslim bretheren. Wayang Siam has traditionally been an accepted part of village Kelantan life, and Islam as practiced in the village has accepted or ignored, the existence of Wayang Siam. For its part, Wayang Siam has incorporated Islam into its complex of belief.

References Cited
Alatas, Syed Hussein, 1972: Modernization and Social Change, Sydney: Angus and Robertson

Ecklund, Judith, 1979: A Preliminary Analysis of Sasak Wayang n.d.

Geertz, Clifford, 1960: The Religion of Java, New York: Basic Books.

Holt, Claire, 1967: Art in Indonesia, Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Maxwell, George, 1907: In Malay Forests, London: Blackwood and Sons.

Muhammad Salleh bin Wan Musa (With S. Othman Kelantan), 1974: "Theological Debates: Wan Musa b. Haji Abdul Samad and His Family", William Roff, ed., Kelantan: Religion, Society, and Politics in a Malay State, pp. 163-69, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.

Overbeck, H., 1933: "Hikayat Mahraja Ravana, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch XI, 2: 111-132.

Peacock, James, 1978 : Muslim Puritans, Berkeley: University of California Press.

Rentse, Anker, 1947: "The Origin of the Wayang Theatre (Shadow Play)," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malayan Branch XX, 1 : 12-15.

Roff, William, 1962: "Kaum Muda-Kaum Tua: Innovation and Reaction Amongst the Malays, 1900-41," K. G. Trengonning, ed., Papers on Malayan History, pp.162-192, Singapore: Journal of Southeast Asian History.

Shellabear, W. G., ed., 1965: Hikayat Seri Rama, Singapore: Malaysia Publishing House.

Sheppard, Dato Haji Mubin, 1965: "Pa' Dogol and Wa'Long: The Evolution of the Comedians in the Malay Shadow Play in Kelantan," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malaysian Branch XXXVIII, 1 : 1-5.

Singaravelu, S., 1974: " Invocations to Nataraja in the Southeast Asian Shadow Plays with Special Reference to the Kelantan Shadow Play," Mohd. Taib Osman, ed., Traditional Drama and Music of Southeast Asia, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Skeat, W. W., 1967: Malay Magic (originally published 1900), New York: Dover.

Sweeney, P. L. Amin, 1972: The Ramayana and The Malay Shadow Play, Kuala Lumpur: National University Press.

Winstedt, Richard, 1951: The Malay Magician, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

-, 1969: A History of Classical Malay Literature, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.

Zieseniss, Alexander, 1963: The Rama Saga in Malaysia (translated by P. W. Burch),
Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute Ltd.

Source:
http://www.nanzan-u.ac.jp/SHUBUNKEN/publications/afs/pdf/a373.pdf

Honda Blade 110R

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Air-cooled, 4-stroke, SOHC, single cylinder
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Air Terjun Moramo (Sulawesi Tenggara)

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Sulawesi Tenggara (Sultra) adalah salah satu provinsi yang ada di Indonesia. Di sana, tepatnya di kawasan Suaka Alam Tanjung Peropa, Kabupaten Konawe Selatan, Provinsi Sulawesi Tenggara ada air terjun yang bernama Moramo. Air terjun yang memanjang sampai ke hilir Sungai Biskori ini bertingkat (cascade) 7 dengan ketinggian sekitar 100 meter. Setiap tingkat membentuk sebuah kolam yang memiliki tinggi beragam, mulai dari setengah hingga 3 meter. Untuk mencapai setiap tingkatannya, pengunjung dapat mendaki tebing-tebing marmer (onyx) yang berwarna hijau di setiap sisinya. Tebing-tebing marmer tersebut tidak licin walaupun selalu terkena percikan air terjun, sebab airnya mengandung sulfur dan alkali yang menyebabkan lumut sulit untuk tumbuh.

Untuk dapat mencapai lokasi air terjun Moramo yang berjarak sekitar 70 kilometer ke arah selatan dari Kota Kendari, dapat melalui dua rute (menggunakan angkutan umum). Rute pertama melalui jalan darat dari Kota Kendari dengan menggunakan kendaraan bermotor selama satu setengah jam. Sedangkan, rute yang kedua melalui laut (dari pelabuhan Kendari hingga sampai di Teluk Moramo) dengan menggunakan perahu selama sekitar 2 jam. Selanjutnya, perjalan diteruskan dengan berjalan kaki melalui jalan setepak sepanjang kurang lebih 2 kilometer. Selama perjalanan melalui jalan setapak ini pengunjung dapat menikmati keindahan kawasan Suaka Alam Tanjung Peropa.

Sebagai catatan, Suaka Alam Tanjung Peropa terletak pada ketinggian 0-400 meter diatas permukaan air laut, topografinya datar dan berbukit dengan kemiringan 5-45%. Iklimnya bertipe D dengan curah hujan tahunan 2.815 mm. Sedangkan, kelembabannya 80,3%, dan suhu udaranya antara 19°C-34°C.

Tanjung Peropa memiliki tipe hutan campuran non dipterocarpaceae dengan komposisi hutan bakau, hutan pantai, hutan belukar, dan hutan dataran rendah. Sedangkan, satwa liar yang hidup di kawasan ini diantaranya adalah: anoa, maleo, rangkong, rusa, bangau hitan (ciconia episscopus), kuskus, kera hitam Sulawesi, biawak, dan berbagai jenis burung. (pepeng)

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The Role of Women in African Traditional Religion

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By John Mbiti

Introduction
A proverb from Ghana declares that: A woman is a flower in a garden; her husband is the fence around it. That is a beautiful picture of women in African society. In this paper I wish to examine the place and the role of women according to African Religion. The paper focuses on three areas: mythology, proverbs and prayers. In the area of mythology we are confronted with the picture of women in the early state of human existence. This is not history. The myth is broader than history in explaining some aspects of society. It is a language of expressing truths or realities for which history does not supply a full explanation.

Proverbs are expressions of wisdom acquired through reflection, experience, observation and general knowledge. They are intimately related to the culture of a given society. To appreciate, understand and properly apply the proverbs, it is necessary to be part of the culture concerned, or to study it carefully. We are not able in this paper to go into the depth entailed in proverbs, but examining or quoting some of them here will give us a working picture or what the religious wisdom of African peoples says about women.

Prayers take us into the spirituality of those who pray them. they show us among other things, the inner person, the needs of the heart (both joy and sorrow, gratitude and disappointment, expectation and anxiety), as the praying person stands ‘naked’ before spiritual realities. We want to see what women say in prayer, and thereby to get a glimpse into their spiritual life as that may be nourished by African Religion and as it may in turn contribute to African Religion itself.

The sources of the material used in the paper are given at the end. Only names of authors and pages of their works appear in the text, at the end of a particular quotation or summary of the information so used.

1. Women in African Mythology
A large number of myths is to be found in Africa. Every African people (tribe) has its own body of myths, stories, legends and oral history. We want to concentrate here mainly on the myths dealing with the origin of human beings, since women are featured very prominently in these myths.

Some myths speak about an original Mother of mankind, from whom all people originated. For example, the Akposso (of Togo) tell that when Uwolowu (God) made men, He first made a woman on the earth and bore with her the first child, the first human being. The Ibibio (of Nigeria) say that human beings came from the divinity Obumo, which was the son of the mother-divinity Eka-Abassi. It is told in eastern Africa about a virgin woman Ekao, who fell on earth from the sky and bore a son; the son got married to another woman and founded human society. Other examples are mentioned by Baumann. The main idea here, is to link human life directly with God through the woman. She is created by God, and in turn becomes the instrument of human life. She rightly becomes the one who passes on life. This is beautifully illustrated in a myth of the Tutsi (of Rwanda). They tell that the original pair of human beings was in paradise. But both the man and woman were sterile, they could not bear children. So they begged God to help them. God mixed clay with saliva and formed a small human figure. He instructed the woman to put the figure into a pot and keep it there for nine months. Every day the woman had to pour milk into the pot, mornings and evenings. She was to take out the figure only when it had grown limbs. So she followed these instructions and after nine months she pulled out what had now become a human being. God made other human beings according to this method, and these later increased on the earth. The pot is here a symbol of the womb of a mother, in which a baby takes shape and after nine months it is born. The woman shares directly with God in a personal way, the secrets and mysteries of life and birth. This role of the woman in sharing in the mysteries of life started already in the mythological time.

In other myths of man's origin, the woman is always or nearly always mentioned. In many cases even the name of the first woman is given in the myths, and some myths mention only the name of the woman and not of the man. A lot of the myths say that the first human pair was lowered by God from the sky to the ground (earth), such as the myths of the Akamba, Turkana, Luo, Luhyia and others in Kenya; these of the Baganda and Banyoro in Uganda; these of the Tutsi in Rwanda; of the Bomba and Ila in Zambia; these of the Yoruba and Ibo in Nigeria, and many others.

In a few myths, it is told that the woman was made by God out of the man's body, or after the man had been made. Perhaps behind these myths is the wish and practice on the part of males (men) to dominate women. For example, the Kwotto (of Nigeria) say that God made the first human beings out of the earth (soil). God made (created) first the husband, and when He had become tired, lie then made the wife (woman) who turned out to be weaker than her husband.

Fire is an important element in human life. In some myths it is the women who either invented or discovered fire. Women are also credited with inventing or discovering foodstuffs and their preparations. Thus the cooking skills of the woman are attributed to her from mythological times. She is thus not only the bearer of human beings, but also their cook who provides them with nourishment.

The life of the first human beings is generally depicted as having been in a form of paradise. God provided for them, in some cases they lived in the sky (heaven) with Him or lie was on earth with them; God gave them one of three important gifts: immortality, resurrection (if they died) or rejuvenation (if they grew old). However, this paradise got lost, the earth and heaven separated, God went to live up in heaven while men lived on the earth, the three gifts got lost and in their place there came diseases, suffering and death. There are many myths which address themselves to this change of human fortune. Some speak about a message which God sent to people, but which either did not reach them or was changed by the messenger on the way, or the messenger arrived just too late to find that a faster messenger from God had brought another message. Myths of the lost or changed or later arrived message are very widespread in eastern, southern and parts of western Africa. The carrier of this message (generally one of immortality, resurrection or rejuvenation) is often the chameleon; while the carrier of the contra message is often the lizard, the hare, the weaver bird or the frog.

In some cases the myths speak of a test which God put to the original people. They failed. So the misfortunes of death and suffering, of God's separation from men came about. Other myths explain that this occurred as a result of jealousies and quarrels within human families. Still in other myths, the cause originated from animals, like the hyena which, being (always) hungry sought and ate the leather rope that had united heaven (sky) and earth.

There are, however, considerable myths which put the blame on the women. Thus, for ex9mple, it was a woman who in Ashanti myths (of Ghana), while pounding fufu (national food) went on knocking against God Who lived in the sky. So God decided to go higher up. The good woman instructed her children to construct a tower by piling up the mortars one on top or another. The tower almost reached God, leaving a gap which could be filled with only one mortar; Since the children had used up all the mortars, their mother advised them to take the bottom-most mortar and fill the gap. As they removed this mortar, the whole tower tumbled down and killed many people. In one of the Pygmy (Bambuti) myths, it is told that God gave the first people one rule: they could eat the fruits of all the trees, except from one tree. The people observed this rule, until a pregnant woman was overcome by desire and persistently urged her husband to get the forbidden fruit for her. Finally he crept secretly into the forest, plucked the fruit and brought it to her. However, the moon was watching all this and went and reported it to God. God became so angry that lie sent death to the people as punishment.

While the woman is in these and some other myths blamed for the misfortune that befell the first human beings, she is clearly not the main nor the only culprit. Indeed the myths that put the blame on her are proportionally few. They indicate that she shares in the cause and effect of suffering, misfortune and death in the world. She is a human being like men and children. She is also raced with the mysteries of life at the other end -- just as she shares in the mysteries of life's beginning, so she shares in lire's end.

Through the myths of origin, we get a picture of the woman as someone placed by God in a special position. She shares with Him the creative process of life. In some ways her position and her role in these myths eclipses the position of the husband (male). She is in a real sense the mother of human beings, the dispenser of life, howbeit as an agent of God. At the same time the woman shares in the misfortunes, suffering and death which in various ways came into the world.

We shall now consider the woman as seen and depicted in African wisdom, in the proverbs of the ages.

2. Women in African Proverbs
Proverbs are infinitely more numerous than myths. We find them by the hundreds and thousands in every African people (tribe). They address themselves to many themes and areas of life and knowledge. They are very concentrated in the sense that they put a lot of thoughts, ideas, reflections, experiences, observations, knowledge and even world views, into a few words. We shall here quote only a few proverbs and try to capture what they intend to put in a few words.

a) Women are extremely valuable in the sight of society. Not only do they bear life, but they nurse, they cherish, they give warmth, they care for life since all human life passes through their own bodies. The following proverbs bring these points out clearly.

“Wives and oxen have no friends”. This indicates that a wife is so valuable that she cannot be given over to even the best friends of her husband. For that reason, another proverb reminds us that: “A woman must not be killed”. She is the mother of life, and to kill the woman is to kill children, to kill humanity itself. The woman should be handled with respect and not be treated as if she were a slave. So another proverb asks the husband: “Did you buy me with elephant tusks?”, if the husband is ill-treating her. She reminds him that he really cannot buy her, she is not a commodity for sale like elephant tusks or slaves.

Even an aged woman is a blessing to men. So another proverb says: “It is better to be married to an old lady than to remain unmarried”. There are areas of human life which only the woman can fulfil. The unmarried man is lacking something, as one proverb explains: "It is at five that man succeeds". The Maasai who use this proverb explain that a successful life needs “a wife, a cow, a sheep, a goat, and a donkey”. This would mean, that even if one is rich, one is not successful as long as one lacks a wife.

The value of the woman begins already when she is born and not when she gets married. So it is stated: “A baby girl means beautiful cows”. Already at birth the woman is destined to be married. In traditional African society this entails a bride-exchange in form of cattle, services, foodstuffs, family ties, or other expressions of the marriage contract. Furthermore, the woman will bear children and thus enrich her husband and the wider circle of relatives from both sides. So the Tsonga and Shangana people of South Africa (Azania) say: “To beget a woman is to beget a man”. This saying carries with it the hope and expectation, that after marriage, the wife will bear both girls and boys.

b) The woman who is not married has practically no role in society, in African traditional world-view. It is expected that all women get married. So a proverb states: “an ugly girl does not become old at home”, which means that the looks of a girl should not stop her from getting married. Otherwise this would deny her the role of womanhood.

This thought is bound up with the value of bearing children. The childless woman goes through deep sorrows in African society. So it is said, for example: “The woman who has children does not desert her home”. This means that bearing children gives the woman the security and joy of a family, of being taken care of in her old age, of being respected by the husband and the wider society. So “the woman whose sons have died is richer than a barren woman”, is intended to say that people will excuse a woman for losing her children through death, but the one who does not bear is hardly 'excused'. Consequently people say: “A barren wire never gives thanks” - nothing else is as valuable as children. If a woman has everything else, except children, she would have no cause or joy to give thanks. The sentiment is expressed in African societies, that the more children one has the better. So the Ghanaians say: “A serviceable wife is often blessed with the birth of a tenth child”. Parental blessings often run along the lines of: "May you bear children like bees! May you bear children like calabash seeds!" Today's economic and educational pressure will force a change in these sentiments, where parents reel the need to reduce the number of children they can support and educate adequately. Nevertheless, African society is carried away by the proverb which says: “The satiety of a pregnant woman is off-spring”. This means that motherhood is a woman's fulfillment.

c) The mother or wife is probably the most important member of the family, the centre of familyhood. So it is said by the Akamba of Kenya for example: “he who has not traveled thinks that his mother is the best cook in the world.” This proverb, while attacking a narrow horizon in life, shows how central the person of the mother is. This sentiment is aired in another proverb from the Gikuyu of Kenya: “The baby that refuses its mother's breast, will never be full”. Other people may feed the baby or the person, but their food would never satisfy as well as that provided by the mother.

The place of the mother is further indicated by comparing her with other women or wives, whether she is alive or dead. The Swahili of East Africa say categorically: “The step mother is not a real mother”. This sentiment is shared by other peoples and is expressed in various ways. For example: “Somebody else's mother, however good to you she may be, she can never be better than your own mother”, or “Your step mother is not your mother”, or “A sheep does not lament the death of a goat's kid”, all from the Acholi of Uganda. Their neighbours the Lugbara put it this way: "There are no two mothers", or "There is not another mother". From southern Africa we hear: "The mother's breast cannot get leprosy". All these and many other proverbs are indications that the mother's role cannot be one hundred percent duplicated: she provides (or should provide) the best love and tenderness, warmth, care, bodily and emotional nourishment, and much more. All this begins already, when the person is inside the mother's womb and lasts (or should last) until the mother has died or indeed, it continues when she dies and becomes a spirit, a living dead. It also means that the love, the care and tenderness should be reciprocated by everyone towards his or her own mother, since everyone has a mother. So we hear proverbs like: "A chi]d does not laugh at the ugliness of his mother", from the Lugbara of Uganda; or "The mother of the big he-goat has no horns", from the Akamba of Kenya. This last proverb indicates that all the "big" men (like artists, generals, presidents, bishops, doctors, professors, inventors, singers, scientists and so one) are each born of a woman, of a mother who may not herself be regarded as a "big" person in society. She may not "have horns", but she gives birth to a "big" person in society.

d) Women are human beings and as such they also have their weaknesses. African society knows those weaknesses and speaks about them. One of them is jealously, especially when several wives live in a polygamous family. Three proverbs from the Lugbara of Uganda illustrate this weakness: "The tongue of co-wives is bitter", "The tongue of co-wives is pointed" (which means that the co-wives can sting each other with their talking), and "A co-wife is the owner of jealousy". Such domestic problems can affect the husband who has the task of pleasing each wife. So a Uhanajan proverb says: "Polygamy makes a husband a double-tongued man". The husband's role is not easy if the co-wives do not get on well with each other. He may be seen to favour one more than the others. In this case he could be rebuked with a proverb like: "This polygamist ploughs one field only". This could indicate that in fact the husband provokes the co-wives to show jealousy, when they realise that he favours one more than the others.

The fact that jealousy may arise in polygamous families is not basis enough to condemn polygamy as such. There are many happy polygamous families just as there are even more unhappy monogamous families. Indeed, there are proverbs that show and urge respect for polygamous families. For example: "Uncriticised, are you the senior wife?", used by the Lugbara, to remind people that the senior wife is the focus of highest respect in the family, but she too is not perfect and if need be can also be criticised. In any case she has more respect by being a co-wife than she would have if she were the only wife (in a monogamous family). It is said in Kenya: "Axes carried in the same bag cannot avoid rattling", to mean among other things, that it is not so terrible if co-wives "rattle" with each other. Indeed, a proverb from the Tsonga of southern Africa can be applied to support the "value" or "necessity" of co-wives: "A pole is strengthened by another pole". If women in African society would have found polygamy to be unbearable, the custom would have long ago. One proverb reminds us that in such families there are mutual support and love and care: "The way to overcome cold is to warm each other".

e) There are also prejudices shown to women in African societies. It is amazing, that similar prejudices are found in other societies of the world. I give here some examples of proverbs of prejudice or judgement towards women. Among the Tsonga-Shangana people of southern Africa, some women earn the remark: “This woman is fire”, or “This woman is a deceitful and ferocious crocodile”. Even the beauty of women may earn them remarks like: "Do not desire a woman with beautiful breast, if you have no money!", to mean that beautiful women are expensive to win and maintain. The Gikuyu in Kenya say: "Women, like the weather, are unpredictable", and "Women have no secure gourds, but only leaking upside down ones". The second of these means that "women are given to letting out secrets. You can't trust women with secrets". In a beautiful expression the same point is made using the proverb: "Woman, remember that the mouth is sometimes covered with a branch", to mean that she cannot keep a secret.

It is thought that women ruin men. So the Maasai remind us: "The prostitute can make you useless", of course without saying what men do to women! The Maasai also accuse the women of being short-sighted by saying that: "A woman cannot see her palm". In Uganda the Acholi complain that: "Women have no chiefs", to mean that "women cannot allow another woman to be superior. In another sense, a chief is not a chief to his own wife or wives, or even to other women". Naturally, when the men occupy so many of the superior positions in society, what more is left for women? The woman is often blamed for disputes in a marriage. So there are proverbs in Tanzania for example, which say: "A lazy wife does not miss going to her parents frequently", or "The good wife at her husband's home, the other one is at her parents' home". But what happens to lazy men, or do they not exist? Women are also accused of domineering their husbands (whatever the realities may actually be): "No man is a hero to his wife".

Men complain that they cannot understand women. So the Ghanaians say: "When women increase in wealth, they are silent. But when they fall into trouble, the whole world gets to know." In another saying we hear that: "In a town where there are no men, even women praise a hunch back for being the fastest runner".

There are men (and women) who fear women, considering them to be dangerous. So we hear proverbs like: "To marry is to put a snake in one's handbag", and even to take up contact with women is an evasive undertaking: "One does not follow the footprints in the water", which means that "following a woman is like footprints in water", because "the way soon vanishes". It is even claimed that words of women have no legal value, they are not reliable: "Women have no court". They even ruin men: "Marriage roasts (hardens)", is said to mean that a man's heart hardens after marriage, because of his wife. Even beautiful women get a share of prejudice: "Beautiful from behind, ugly in front", a proverb which warns that a person may look attractive or say nice words at first, but after marriage turns out to be really ugly.

f) In spite of these and other prejudices, there are many beautiful things said about women. Some of these we have already encountered. Men will fight over women - to show how much they value the women concerned. So in Ghana we hear that: "Two bosom friends that vie one and the same lady have chosen a common read to be each other's enemy". Compared to a man, the woman is more precious: "The woman is a banana tree (which multiplies itself); the man however, is a cornstalk (which stands alone)". It is also from Ghana where we have the beautiful comparison and mutual complement between the wife and the husband: "Woman is a flower in a garden; her husband, the fence around it". So the women need all the protection that men can give them. For this reason the Lugbara say: "The man dies in the wind, the woman in the house". The woman and the man belong together, can and do love each other, they need each other. In Lugbara proverb we are told: "The woman is the rib of man", a statement which is parallel to the Biblical creation story in Genesis 2, 21-22. The Akamba warn against the danger of remaining unmarried: "He who eats alone, dies alone" -- he leaves neither wife nor posterity to remember him in the world of the living.

3. Women and Prayers
In traditional African life women play a significant role in the religious activities of society. One of the areas where this role is prominent, is in offering prayers for their families in particular and their communities in general. In many areas there were (and still are) women priests (priestesses); almost everywhere in Africa the mediums (who are so important in traditional medical practice) are nearly always women; those who experience spirit possession are in most cases also women. Traditional healing is a profession of both men and women and it is more often the women practitioners who handle children's and other women 5 medical needs. In this paper we have space for only a few prayers which illustrate how actively involved are the women in the spirituality of African Religion. The examples are cited out of my own book, so that there is no need to indicate the source each time.

A women's morning prayer runs: "Morning has risen; God, take away from us every pain, every ill, every mishap; God, let us come safely home". In this prayer the woman brings before God her family and hands it over to God, believing that He will keep away all evil. It is a Pygmy prayer.

A litany for a sick child is offered by women, addressing it specially to the departed members of the family who are thought to exercise healing power especially by conveying the request to God. It comes from the Aro of Sierra Leone. Mother prays: "0 spirits of the past, this little one I hold is my child; she is your child also, therefore, be gracious unto her". The other women chant: "She has come into a world of trouble: sickness is in the world, and cold and pain; the pain you knew, the sickness with which you were familiar". The mother prays on: "Let her sleep in peace, for there is healing in sleep. Let none among you be angry with me or with my child". The women take up their chanting: "Let her grow, let her become strong. Let her become full-grown. Then will she offer such a sacrifice to you that will delight your heart". In this prayer we see how close the women feel to the spirit-world. They enter into it, they solicit help from it. The physical and spiritual world mingle here in a harmony of 'going' and 'coming'. The women depict here a deep sensitivity towards the invisible and spiritual realities.

A woman whose husband is away fighting in war, prays for his protection and safe return. She prays not just for him alone, but for others who are with him. Like all similar prayers, it is a on-sided prayer, favouring one side. It comes from the Banyarwanda. "Let him be saved with those who went with him! Let him stand firm with them. Let him return from the battle with them...". In this way the women participate in fighting on the side of their husbands. The husbands would certainly feel encouraged to get this form of spiritual support from their wives.

Recognising that menstruation is intimately linked to the passing on of life, many African peoples perform a ceremony in Ghana, the Ashanti mother of the concerned girl prays that she may grow to full maturity and bear children. This is the wish of every mother for her children. "Nyankonpon Tweaduapon Nyame (God) upon whom men lean and do not fall, receive this wine and drink. Earth Goddess, whose day of worship is a Thursday, receive this wine and drink. Spirit of our ancestors, receive this wine and drink. This girl child whom God has given to me, today the Bara state has come upon her... Do not come and take her away, and do not have permitted her to menstruate only to die".

In many parts of Africa it does not always rain enough. Rainmaking ceremonies are performed, at which sacrifices, offering and prayers are made to God, beseeching Him to give more rain or to let it rain. Here is one such prayer made by Maasai women (Kenya. and Tanzania). The woman leader intones one part, while other people present for the occasion sing or recite the other:

Leader: "We need herbs on the earth's back!"
Others: Hie! Wae! Almighty God.
Leader: "The father of Nasira has conquered, has conquered."
Others: The highlands and also the lowlands of our vast country which belongs to thee, O God.
Leader: "May this be our year, ours in plenty (when you grant us rain!).
Others: "O messenger of Mbatian's son".
This prayer is for the welfare of people, animals and nature at large, since all depend on water for their survival.

Women express gratitude to God, after childbirth. Then they know that life comes ultimately from Him and is sustained by Him. The following prayer is said by Pygmy women in a ceremony of dedicating a baby to God. The mother and father lift the baby towards the sky and pray: "To Thee, the Creator, to Thee, the Powerful, I offer this fresh bud, new fruit of the ancient tree. Thou art the Master, we thy children. To Thee, the Creator, to Thee, the Powerful: Khmvoum (God), Khmvoum, I offer this new plant".

The sorrows of being childless go very deep in the wife. There are many prayers for help in such situations. From an affected woman of the Barundi, we feel with her the agony of her spirit, when she prays: “0 Imana (God) of Urundi, if only you would help me! 0 Imana of pity, Imana of my father's home, if only you would help me!... 0 Imana, if only you would give me a homestead and children! I prostrate myself before you, Imana of Urundi. I cry to you: Give me off-spring, give me as you give to others! Imana, what shall I do, where shall I go? I am in distress: where is there room for me? 0 Merciful, O Imana of mercy, help this once!”.

Death also brings with it its own sorrows and problems, and many prayers are offered in such times. The following prayer pours out desperation with the same forcefulness as the previous prayer: "My husband, you have abandoned me. My master is gone and will never return. I am lost. I have no hope. For you used to fetch water and collect firewood for me. You used, to clothe and feed me with good things... Where shall I go?".

It is clear, that women both participate in the religious activities of society and make their own contributions for the spiritual welfare of their lives, their families and of society at large. The prayers are small window that opens into their spirituality which indeed is the spirituality of all human beings. As they share with God in the great mysteries of passing on life, so they share also in giving human life a spiritual orientation. They are truly flowers in the garden. They give life beauty, scent and seed.

Published in Cahiers des Religions Africaines 22 (1988), 69-82.

Source:
http://www.afrikaworld.net

Bu Perjan

Alkisah, ada sepasang suami isteri yang baru menikah bernama Pak Perjan dan Bu Perjan. Bu Perjan sebenarnya adalah seorang yang sangat sakti yang sewaktu-waktu dapat beralih wujud menjadi memedi. Kesaktian Bu Perjan ini tidak diketahui oleh suaminya, Pak Perjan. Suatu hari, Pak Perjan diajak oleh beberapa temannya untuk menebang pohon wani (mangifera kemenga) di hutan. Sebelum berangkat, Bu Perjan berpesan agar suaminya mengambil beberapa ranting pohon wani untuk dibuat palungan, alat pencelup benang.

Beberapa saat setelah suaminya pergi, mungkin karena bosan di rumah, timbul niat Bu Perjan untuk mempermainkan Pak Perjan. Ia pun kemudian membaca mantra dan menjelma menjadi memedi, lalu bergegas menyusul rombongan Pak Perjan. Karena telah menjelma menjadi memedi, maka dalam waktu singkat Bu Perjan telah sampai di hutan tempat rombongan Pak Perjan menebang pohon wani.

Di sana ia melihat suaminya tengah sibuk membuat palungan dari ranting pohon wani. Ia kemudian mendatangi suaminya sambil bernyanyi. Setelah dekat, ia mengganggu dengan cara menggoyang-goyangkan palungan yang sedang dibuat Pak Perjan. Hal ini membuat Pak Perjan menjadi kesal dan langsung melemparkan parangnya ke arah memedi yang sebenarnya adalah isterinya sendiri. Kapak tersebut tepat mengenai hidung Bu Perjan hingga putus dan membuatnya menangis kesakitan lalu cepat-cepat pulang ke rumah.

Setelah palungan pesanan Bu Perjan selesai dibuat, sore harinya Pak Perjan bersama teman-temannya pulang menuju ke rumah masing-masing. Dalam perjalanan pulang itu, di samping membawa pulang palungan Pak Perjan juga membawa potongan hidung memedi yang tadi berhasil dikapaknya. Hidung itu nantinya akan ia keringkan untuk selanjutnya disimpan di atas langit-langit sebagai jimat.

Sesampainya di rumah, Pak Perjan terkejut melihat isterinya sedang menangis di dalam kamar. Ia lalu mendatanginya dan bertanya, “Bu, mengapa engkau menangis?”

“Ketika aku sedang memetik daun kelor untuk dibuat sayur, hidungku tersambar pisau hingga putus!” jawab Bu Perjan berbohong.

“Walah,” jawab Pak Perjan terkejut, namun belum berprasangka apa-apa terhadap isterinya itu. Ia lalu melanjutkan, “Tadi aku kebetulan dapat menebas hidung memedi di hutan. Kalau dipasang mungkin akan cocok dengan hidungmu.”

Setelah itu hidung memedi tersebut yang sebenarnya adalah hidung Bu Perjan sendiri dipasangkan oleh Pak Perjan ke hidung Bu Perjan. Dan ternyata cocok, namun terlihat masih agak bengkak. Kemudian Pak Perjan menuju ke dapur membuat bubur encer untuk Bu Perjan.

Selanjutnya bubur tersebut diserahkan kepada Bu Perjan. Namun, Bu Perjan merasa bahwa bubur tersebut terlalu asin sehingga ia menyuruh suaminya untuk menambahnya dengan air. Begitu ditambah air, Bu Perjan merasa bahwa buburnya terasa hambar sehingga ia minta di tambahkan garam. Begitu seterusnya sampai sekitar lima belas kali suaminya menghidangkan bubur encer, namun Bu Perjan belum juga merasa kenyang.

Karena terus menerus harus membawa bubur dari dapur ke kamar, maka Pak Perjan pun menjadi jengkel dan segera berkata, “Engkau ambil sendiri buburnya di jambangan. Aku akan pergi mengadu ayam!”

“Yah, sudahlah. Nanti aku ambil sendiri di dapur,” jawab Bu Perjan dari dalam kamar.

Sesudah Pak Perja pergi menyabung ayam, Ibu Perjan segera bangkit dari tempat tidurnya menuju ke dapur. Kemudian, diambilnya jambangan tempat bubur itu dan dijilatinya sisa-sisa bubur yang masih menempel. Namun karena kerak bubur yang berada di dasar jambangan sulit untuk diambil, maka ia kemudian memasukkan kepalanya ke dalam jambangan dan menjelma lagi menjadi memedi agar lidahnya menjadi panjang dan dapat menjangkau seluruh isi jambangan hingga ke dasarnya.

Sesudah habis menjilati kerak yang ada di dasar jambangan, ia bermaksud ingin mengeluarkan kepalanya namun tidak bisa karena masih berwujud memedi. Namun, sebelum ia sempat menjelma lagi menjadi manusia, tiba-tiba Pak Perjan datang dan langsung menuju dapur untuk menaruh ayam jagonya. Pak Perjan terkejut melihat ada memedi yang kepalanya masuk ke dalam jambangan untuk membuat bubur. Tanpa berpikir panjang lagi ia langsung mengambil kapak dan mengayunkannya ke arah jambangan hingga pecah. Oleh karena terlalu kuat mengayun kapaknya, maka tidak hanya jambangan saja yang pecah, melainkan juga kepala sang memedi yang ada di dalamnya. Saat itu juga sang memedi tewas.

Beberapa saat kemudian, tubuh memedi itu secara berangsur-angsur kembali ke wujudnya semula menjadi Ibu Perjan. Melihat hal itu Pak Perjan hanya ternganga dan tidak percaya akan pengelihatannya sendiri. Ia tidak menyangka kalau orang yang baru saja dikawininya dapat menjelma menjadi memedi. Dan, setelah beberapa saat duduk tertegun Pak Perjan akhirnya mengangkat tubuh isterinya lalu di bawa ke halaman belakang rumah untuk dikuburkan.

Sumber:
Diadaptasi bebas dari
Badan Pengembangan Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Deputi Bidang Pelestarian dan Pengembangan Budaya Bagian Proyek Pengkajian dan Pemanfaatan Sejarah dan Tradisi Bali. 2002. Cerita Rakyat Daerah Bali. Denpasar: Departeman Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata.

Jumat, 12 Desember 2008

Samsung M7500 Emporio Armani

Specifications
Samsung M7500 Emporio Armani
Network2G
3G
GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900
HSDPA 2100
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display
114.9 x 47.4 x 12 mm
90.2 gram
AMOLED, 256K colors
240 x 320 pixels, 2.2 inches (~182 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
1000 entries, Photocall
30 dialed, 30 received, 30 missed calls
120 MB
microSD, up to 16 GB
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 12 (4+1/3+2/2+3/1+4 slots), 32 - 48 kbps
Class 12
HSDPA, 3.6 Mbps

v2.0 with A2DP

microUSB v2.0
FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS, MMS, Email
Vibration; downloadable polyphonic, MP3 ringtones
WAP 2.0/xHTML
Stereo FM radio with RDS

Yes
3.15 MP, 2048x1536 pixels, autofocus
Yes
White, black
MIDP 2.1
- Loudspeaker
- 3.5mm jack
- Dedicated music keys
- Smile detection
- Videocall camera
- MP3/e-AAC+/WMA player
- MP4/3GP player
- Organizer
- Document viewer (Word, Excel, PowerPoint, PDF)
- Voice memo
- Predictive text input
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion 960 mAh
Up to 290 h (2G)/290 h (3G)
Up to 4 h 20 min (2G)/4 h 20 min (3G)

Image: http://www.gsmarena.com/samsung_m7500_emporio_armani-pictures-2529.php

Kamis, 11 Desember 2008

Toshiba TS32

Specifications
Toshiba TS32
Network2G
3G
GSM 900 / 1800 / 1900
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display
113 x 47 x 10.3 mm
79 gram
TFT, 256K colors
176 x 220 pixels, 1.93 inches (~146 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
Yes
20 dialed, 20 received, 20 missed calls
5.5 MB
microSD, up to 1 GB
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps



v1.2

v1.1
FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS, MMS, Email
Vibration; Downloadable polyphonic, MP3 ringtones
WAP 2.0/xHTML
FM radio

Yes
1.3 MP, 1280 x 1024 pixels
CIF
Lunar graphite, desert gold, midnight purple
MIDP 2.0
- MP3/ACC/ACC+ player
- Predictive text input
- Photo editor
- Voice memo
- Organizer
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion
Up to 150 h
Up to 2 h 30 min

Image: http://www.dcfever.com/phones/specification.php?id=1160

Rabu, 10 Desember 2008

Toshiba TS605

Specifications
Toshiba TS605
Network2G
3G
GSM 900 / 1800 / 1900
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display
113 x 47 x 10.3 mm
79 gram
TFT, 256K colors
176 x 220 pixels, 1.93 inches (~146 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
Yes
20 dialed, 20 received, 20 missed calls
5.5 MB
microSD
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps



v1.2

v1.1
FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS, EMS, MMS, Email
Vibration; Downloadable polyphonic, MP3 ringtones, composer
WAP 2.0/xHTML, WSP
FM radio

3 embedded
1.3 MP, 1280 x 1024 pixels
CIF
Pink, green, champagne, copper, silver, aubergine
MIDP 2.0
- MP3/ACC+ player
- Predictive text input
- Photo editor
- Voice memo
- Organizer
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion 720 mAh
Up to 150 h
Up to 2 h 30 min

Image: https://www.iretron.com/products/index/Cell%20Phones/page:57

Selasa, 09 Desember 2008

Samsung I6210

Specifications
Samsung I6210
Network2G
3G
GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display
101.5 x 49 x 17.2 mm
118 gram
TFT, 16M colors
240 x 320 pixels, 2.4 inches (~167 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
1000 entries
30 dialed, 30 received, 30 missed calls
29 MB
microSD
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps
Class 10


v2.0

FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS
Vibration; downloadable polyphonic, MP3 ringtones
WAP 2.0/xHTML
FM radio

Yes

QCIF
Black, white

- Loudspeaker
- External PMOLED display, 65K colors(96 x 16 pixels)
- Multishot,Timershot
- T-DMB TV receiver
- Organizer
- Voice memo
- Predictive text input
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion 800 mAh
Up to 300 h
Up to 6 h

Image: http://www.66mobile.com/phones/samsung/samsung-i6210.html

Samsung S3030 Tobi

Specifications
Samsung S3030 Tobi
Network2G
3G
GSM 900 / 1800 / 1900
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display
94.7 x 45.4 x 17.5 mm
85 gram
TFT, 65K colors
176 x 220 pixels, 1.9 inches (~148 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
1000 entries, Photocall
30 dialed, 30 received, 30 missed calls
15 MB
microSD, up to 8 GB
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps



v2.0 with A2DP

microUSB v2.0
FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS, MMS
Vibration; downloadable polyphonic, MP3 ringtones
WAP 2.0/xHTML
Stereo FM

Yes
1.3 MP, 1280 x 1024 pixels
Yes
Sweet pink, loyal blue, apple green, orange, oasis blue, snow silver
MIDP 2.0
- Loudspeaker
- Eco-friendly and non-toxic materials
- MP3 player
- MP4 player
- Organizer
- Voice memo
- Predictive text input
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion 800 mAh
Up to 260 h
Up to 5 h

Image: http://www.gsmarena.com/samsung_s3030_tobi-pictures-2610.php

Senin, 08 Desember 2008

Micromax X225

Specifications
Micromax X225
Network2G
3G
GSM 900 / 1800 - SIM 1 & SIM 2
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display

65 gram
TFT, 65K colors
128 x 160 pixels, 1.8 inches (~114 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
500 entries
Yes

microSD, up to 8 GB
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps



Yes

Yes
FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS, MMS
Vibration, Polyphonic ringtones

Stereo FM radio, FM recording

Yes
VGA, 640 x 480 pixels

Black\red

- Loudspeaker
- Mini SIM
- Organizer
- MP3/AAC+ player
- Voice memo
- Predictive text input
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion 700 mAh
Up to 300 h
Up to 4 h 10 min

Image: http://www.gsmarena.com/micromax_x225-pictures-3321.php

Samsung B520

Specifications
Samsung B520
Network2G
3G
GSM 900 / 1800
SizeDimensions
Weight
Display
96 x 47 x 17.5 mm
94 gram
CSTN, 65K colors
128 x 160 pixels, 1.77 inches (~116 ppi pixel density)
MemoryPhonebook
Call records
Internal
Card slot
1000 entries, Photocall
30 dialed, 30 received, 30 missed calls
20 MB
microSD, up to 2 GB
DataGPRS
EDGE
3G
WLAN
Bluetooth
Infrared port
USB
Class 10 (4+1/3+2 slots), 32 - 48 kbps





microUSB v2.0
FeaturesOS
CPU
Messaging
Ringtones
Browser
Radio
GPS
Games
Camera
Video
Colors
Java


SMS, MMS, Email
Vibration; downloadable polyphonic, MP3 ringtones
WAP 2.0/xHTML, HTML
FM radio, FM recording, dedicated key

Yes


Black
MIDP 2.1
- Loudspeaker
- 3.5mm jack
- Wallpapers, screensavers
- Organizer
- Voice memo
- Predictive text input
- Clock
- Calendar
- Alarm
Battery
Stand-by
Talk time
Standard battery, Li-Ion 800 mAh
Up to 390 h
Up to 7 h

Image: http://www.halohalo.rs/forum/showthread.php/299-Dekodiranje-Samsung-B520-i-B320

Tari Rangguk

Asal-Usul
Jambi adalah salah satu provinsi yang tergabung dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI). Di sana ada sukubangsa yang disebut sebagai Kerinci. Mereka mendiami salah satu kabupaten yang tergabung dalam provinsi Jambi yang namanya sama dengan sukubangsa tersebut, yaitu Kabupaten Kerinci. Melalatoa (1995:402) menyebutkan bahwa mereka adalah keturunan bangsa Proto Melayu (Melayu Tua) karena banyak persamaannya dengan ciri-ciri manusia tipe mongoloid, yaitu tubuh relatif pendek dari rata-rata ukuran tubuh sukubangsa lainnya di Jambi. Kemudian, rambut lurus, kulit putih, dan mata agak sipit.

Di kalangan orang Kerinci ada satu tarian yang disebut sebagai rangguk. Rangguk adalah dialek orang Kerinci Hulu. Orang Sungai Penuh menyebutnya “ranggok”, sedangkan orang Pulau Tengah menyebutnya “rangguek”. Adanya berbagai dialek itu akhirnya memunculkan beberapa pendapat mengenai kata “rangguk”. Pendapat pertama mengatakan bahwa kata rangguk berarti “tari” karena dalam bahasa Kerinci Hulu kata “merangguk” berarti “menari”. Misalnya, “rangguk dua belas” berarti “tari dua belas”, “rangguk rabbieih” berarti “tari rabbieih”, dan “rangguk ayak” berarti “tari ayak”. Sedangkan, pendapat lainnya mengatakan bahwa kata rangguk adalah gabungan dari kata “uhang” yang berarti “orang” dan “nganggok” yang berarti “mengangguk”. Dalam perkembangan selanjutnya kata uhang nganggok berubah menjadi ranggok. Pendapat ini didasarkan pada kebiasaan penduduk di Kerinci, terutama di Sungai Penuh yang sering memperpendek dua atau tiga kata menjadi satu kata.

Lepas dari berbagai dialek itu, yang jelas asal-usul tarian yang disebut sebagai rangguk ini ada kaitannya dengan seorang ulama yang berasal dari Dusun Cupak Kerinci. Konon, di sekitar awal abad ke-19 ulama tersebut pergi ke tanah suci (Mekah). Kepergiannya itu tidak hanya semata-mata untuk melaksanakan rukun Islam yang kelima (ibadah haji), tetapi sekaligus memperdalam pengetahuan tentang agamanya (Islam).

Al kisah, di tanah suci Sang ulama tertarik pada salah satu kesenian yang ada di sana, yaitu rebana yang ketika itu sangat disukai oleh para remaja Arab, khususnya para laki-lakinya (pemudanya). Untuk itu, Beliau berusaha untuk mempelajarinya. Jadi, bukan hanya menunaikan ibadah haji dan memperdalam ilmu agama saja, tetapi juga mempelajari salah satu kesenian yang ada di sana. .

Sepulangnya dari Mekkah, Beliau melakukan dakwah (menyebarkan agama Islam) ke berbagai tempat di daerah Kerinci. Namun, yang dilakukan tidak membuahkan hasil. Masyarakat, terutama para pemudanya, tidak tertarik akan dakwahnya. Malahan, mereka semakin tenggelam dalam perbuatan-perbuatan yang justeru dilarang oleh agama, seperti judi, minum-minuman keras (tuak) dan sabung ayam.

Melihat kenyataan bahwa apa yang dilakukan tidak membuahkan hasil, maka Sang ulama merubah taktik penyampaian dakwahnya. Beliau menggabungkan silat Melayu yang disukai oleh para pemuda dengan rebana yang berasal dari Arab. Dengan cara demikian, sedikit-demi sedikit para pemuda menjadi tertarik, dan sedikit demi sedikit pula Beliau, melalui rebana, menyelipkan ajaran-ajaran agama Islam, khususnya kepada para pemuda dan warga Dusun Cupak. Jadi, sambil menunggu para pemuda berkumpul untuk belajar silat Melayu, Beliau melantunkan pantun yang berisi puji-pujian kepada Allah SWT dan para Rasul-Nya sambil menabuh rebana dan mengangguk-anggukan kepalanya. Dari sinilah kemudian melahirkan satu kesenian yang disebut sebagai “rangguk”.

Setelah Sang Ulama wafat, kebiasaan bersenandung sambil berpantun dengan diiringi rebana tetap dilakukan oleh masyarakat Cupak. Namun, antara rebana dan silat Melayu sudah menjadi dua jenis kesenian yang berbeda. Dalam hal ini silat Melayu tetap sebagai silat Melayu, sedangkan rebana menjadi satu jenis kesenian baru yang disebut sebagai “tari rangguk”, karena dengan duduk secara melingkar, para pemainnya akan menabuh rebana sambil mengangguk-anggukkan kepalanya.

Peralatan, Pemain, dan Perkembangannya
Peralatan yang digunakan untuk mengiringi rangguk hanya satu jenis, yaitu rebana1) dengan berbagai ukuran. Jumlahnya bergantung jumlah pemain (biasanya 5—10 orang). Dalam suatu pertunjukkan mereka duduk melingkar, menabuh rebana, berpantun dan mengangguk-anggukan kepala.

Pada mulanya rangguk hanya dilakukan oleh kaum laki-laki. Biasanya di sore hari dan bertempat di beranda rumah (setelah seharian bekerja di sawah atau kebun). Tujuannya adalah sebagai pelepas lelah dan sekaligus hiburan. Kaum perempuan tidak diperkenankan untuk melakukan tarian ini (tabu). Akan tetapi, sejak pertengahan abad ke-20 mereka juga melakukannya meskipun baru terbatas pada anak-anak. Baru sekitar tahun 50-an para perempuan dewasa ikut mementaskannya. Dan, ternyata dalam waktu yang relatif singkat kaum perempuan dapat menggeser kaum laki-laki dalam memainkan rangguk. Meskipun demikian, bukan berarti rangguk bebas dari kaum laki-laki. Dewasa ini rangguk tidak hanya milik jenis kelamin tertentu dan atau umur tertentu, tetapi semua jenis kelamin dan semua golongan umur. Dengan perkataan lain, rangguk bisa dimainkan oleh kaum laki-laki dan perempuan, baik anak-anak, remaja, maupun dewasa. Rangguk juga tidak hanya menjadi milik orang Kerinci-Cupak saja, tetapi sudah menjadi milik orang Kerinci secara keseluruhan (sukubangsa Kerinci yang tinggal di Kabupaten Kerinci).

Selaras dengan perkembangan zaman, fungsi rangguk juga mengalami perubahan. Jika pada mulanya hanya sekedar sebagai hiburan, maka kini menjadi sebuah tarian khusus untuk upacara penyambutan tamu. Para pemainnya pun juga tidak lagi duduk secara melingkar, tetapi berdiri (berbaris) sambil mengangguk-anggukkan kepala kepada setiap tamu yang datang, melantunkan berbagai macam pantun selamat datang, dan mengiring tamu sampai ke tempat yang telah ditentukan (depan pintu balai desa). Perkembangan lebih lanjut adalah tidak hanya mengangguk-anggukan kepala, tetapi menggerakkan tubuh selaras dengan pantun atau meniru gerakan tumbuh-tumbuhan, binatang dan atau manusia.

Nilai Budaya
Rangguk sebagai tarian khas orang Kerinci, jika dicermati, tidak hanya mengandung nilai estetika (keindahan), sebagaimana yang tercermin dalam pelantunan pantun dan gerakan-gerakan kepala (mengangguk-angguk) serta anggota tubuh lainnya yang meniru gerakan tumbuhan, hewan, dan manusia. Akan tetapi, yang tidak kalah pentingnya (malahan yang utama) adalah nilai kesyukuran dan atau ketaqwaan kepada Sang Penciptanya (Allah SWT). Hal itu tercermin dari asal-usulnya dan pantun-pantunnya yang berisi puji-pujian kepada Allah SWT dan para Rasul-Nya.

Sumber:
Melalatoa, M. Junus. 1995. Ensiklopedi Sukubangsa di Indonesia. Jilid A--K. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan

Tim Koordinasi Siaran Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan. 1996. Khasanah Budaya Nusantara VII. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
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1) Sebagaimana telah disebutkan pada bagian atas, dii kalangan orang Arab (Saudi Arabia) rebana merupakan salah satu jenis kesenian yang ada di sana. Akan tetapi, di kalangan orang Melayu, termasuk Kerinci rebana merupakan alat kesenian yang terbuat dari kayu dan kulit. Bentuknya bundar menyerupai gendang tetapi hanya satu muka. Garis tengahnya antara 30--60 cm. Rebana yang berukuran besar (60 cm) berfungsi sebagai gong (bas).